在公共汽车上我们应当给老人让座(give seats to )翻译

在公共汽车上我们应当给老人让座(give seats to )翻译
在公共汽车上我们应当给老人让座(give seats to )翻译

在公共汽车上我们应当给老人让座(give seats to )翻译
We shuold give seats to the elders on a bus.

We gave seats to oldman on bus.

1.Given the tepid national support for a near or total ban,even among Republicans(only a narrow majority of whom believe that abortion should be illegal in most or all cases),the party leadership unde...

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1.Given the tepid national support for a near or total ban,even among Republicans(only a narrow majority of whom believe that abortion should be illegal in most or all cases),the party leadership understands that an extreme federal ban has the potential to split the Republican coalition at the seams.
因为在全国范围内对不太允许堕胎或杜绝堕胎的支持率不高, 甚至共和党内也只有微弱多数认定在大多数情况或任何情况下的堕胎为非法. 共和党领袖知道，一旦出台一条严厉的联邦禁令极有可能会分裂共和党内部的联盟。
2.Other moderately pro-life measures might include expanding the federal law that allows health-care companies to opt out,in certain circumstances, of Medicine contracts that cover (不是over) abortion services.
其它温和的反堕胎手段可以包括放宽联邦法律, 允许保健机构在特定情况下退出那些提供堕胎服务的医疗协议。
3."It's hard to imagine Congress moving very quickly or reaching a broad consensus on abortion policy,"Whit Ares says, the Republican consultant. "I think the ultimate decision will be pushed away from the extremes."
共和党的顾问维特·埃里斯说：“很难想象国会在堕胎政策上会有什么快速的举动或是达成什么广泛的共识. 我认为最终的决定权不会落在任何激进派的手中。”
4.If efforts at compromise failed,however,and a sweeping abortion ban somehow made it to the Senate floor,the Democrats might mount a filibuster(assuming it was still available for ordinary legislation).
但是一旦妥协失败，一项全面的堕胎禁令就有可能设法进入参议院进行表决，民主党也就会相应的动用阻挠议事程序（希望那时阻挠议事程序对普通立法仍然有效）。
5.Virginia,for example,currently has two Republican senators,John Warner and George Allen,but it's not clear how either would do in a race where swing voters were energized by the issue of choice.
例如弗吉尼亚州现在虽然有两个共和党参议员, 约翰·沃纳和乔治·艾伦, 但是自由选民(或翻译成”骑墙派选民”)因为受堕胎问题的鼓动, 会使这俩人目前的竞选结果变得难以预料。
6.Even in the House,where there are fewer competitive seats due to gerrymandering the rise of abortion moderates could give the Democrats a fighting chance to gain the 17 seats necessary to win a majority."Gerrymandering depends on existing voting patterns holding,and this would change existing voting patterns,"says Bill Stuntz of Havard Law School."you have a lot of sixty-forty districts,but if national public opinion on abortion shifted,at some point Democrats would win a lot of seats that Republicans have been winning by more than ten points,just as Republicans did when they took the House in 1994."
在众议院里, 由于不公正的选区划分，本来没什么有争议性的席位。但是随着堕胎温和派人数的增多, 民主党可能有机会争取到成为多数党所必需的十七个席位。哈佛法学院的比尔·斯汤兹说：“不公正的选区划分仰赖于对现存投票格局的掌控，而目前的情况将会改变现存的投票格局。虽然你现在以60：40的多数控制着很多选区，但是一旦公众舆论对堕胎的看法发生了转变，民主党就会就像1994年共和党赢得众议院时那样, 以领先超过十个百分点的支持率, 占领许多共和党的席位。

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