肯尼迪 演说最好是中英两个版本的

肯尼迪 演说最好是中英两个版本的
肯尼迪 演说
最好是中英两个版本的

肯尼迪 演说最好是中英两个版本的
1961年,肯尼迪就职大典
时间：1961年1月20日 地点：国会大厦 我来说两句
今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利,而是自由的胜利.这象征着一个结束,也象征着一个开端；意味着延续也意味着变革.因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前,宣读了我们的先辈在170多年前拟定的庄严誓言.
现在的世界已大不相同了.
人类的巨手掌握着既能消灭人间的各种贫困,又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量.但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念,在世界各地仍然有着争论.这个信念就是：人的权利并非来自国家的慷慨,而是来自上帝恩赐.
今天,我们不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承者.让我们的朋友和敌人同样听见我此时此地的讲话：火炬已经传给新一代美国人.这一代人在本世纪诞生,在战争中受过锻炼,在艰难困苦的和平时期受过陶冶,他们为我国悠久的传统感到自豪－－他们不愿目睹或听任我国一向保证的、今天仍在国内外作出保证的人权渐趋毁灭.
让每个国家都知道－－不论它希望我们繁荣还是希望我们衰落－－为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利,我们将付出任何代价,承受任何负担,应付任何艰难,支持任何朋友,反抗任何敌人.
这些就是我们的保证－－而且还有更多的保证.
对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友、我们保证待以诚实朋友那样的忠诚.我们如果团结一致,就能在许多合作事业中无往不胜；我们如果分歧对立,就会一事无成－－因为我们不敢在争吵不休、四分五裂时迎接强大的挑战.
对那些我们欢迎其加入到自由行列中来的新国家,我们格守我们的誓言：决不让一种更为残酷的暴政来取代一种消失的殖民统治.我们并不总是指望他们会支持我们的观点.但我们始终希望看到他们坚强地维护自己的自由－－而且要记住,在历史上,凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者,终必葬身虎口.
对世界各地身居茅舍和乡村、为摆脱普遍贫困而斗争的人们,我们保证尽最大努力帮助他们自立,不管需要花多长时间－－之所以这样做,并不是因为共产党可能正在这样做,也不是因为我们需要他们的选票,而是因为这样做是正确的.自由社会如果不能帮助众多的穷人,也就无法挽救少数富人.
对我国南面的姐妹共和国,我们提出一项特殊的保证－－在争取进步的新同盟中,把我们善意的话变为善意的行动,帮助自由的人们和自由的政府摆脱贫困的枷锁.但是,这种充满希望的和平革命决不可以成为敌对国家的牺牲品.我们要让所有邻国都知道,我们将和他们在一起,反对在美洲任何地区进行侵略和颠覆活动.让所有其他国家都知道,本半球的人仍然想做自己家园的主人.
对联合国,主权国家的世界性议事机构,我们在战争手段大大超过和平手段的时代里最后的、最美好的希望所在,我们重申予以支持：防止它仅仅成为谩骂的场所；加强它对新生国家和弱小国家的保护；扩大它的行使法令的管束范围.
最后,对那些与我们作对的国家,我们提出一个要求而不是一项保证：在科学释放出可怕的破坏力量,把全人类卷入预谋的或意外的自我毁灭的深渊之前,让我们双方重新开始寻求和平.
我们不敢以怯弱来引诱他们.因为只有当我们毫无疑问地拥有足够的军备,我们才能毫无疑问地确信永远不会使用这些军备.
但是,这两个强大的国家集团都无法从目前所走的道路中得到安慰－－发展现代武器所需的费用使双方负担过重,致命的原子武器的不断扩散理所当然使双方忧心忡忡,但是,双方却争着改变那制止人类发动最后战争的不稳定的恐怖均势.
因此,让我们双方重新开始－－双方都要牢记,礼貌并不意味着怯弱,诚意永远有待于验证.让我们决不要由于畏惧而谈判.但我们决不能畏惧谈判.
让双方都来探讨使我们团结起来的问题,而不要操劳那些使我们分裂的问题.
让双方首次为军备检查和军备控制制订认真而又明确的提案,把毁灭他国的绝对力量置于所有国家的绝对控制之下.
让双方寻求利用科学的奇迹,而不是乞灵于科学造成的恐怖.让我们一起探索星球,征服沙漠,根除疾患,开发深海,并鼓励艺术和商业的发展.
让双方团结起来,在全世界各个角落倾听以赛亚的训令－－“解下轭上的索,使被欺压的得自由.”（注：《圣经·旧约全书·以塞亚书》第58章6节.）
如果合作的滩头阵地能逼退猜忌的丛林,那么就让双方共同作一次新的努力；不是建立一种新的均势,而是创造一个新的法治世界,在这个世界中,强者公正,弱者安全、和平将得到维护.
所有这一切不可能在今后一百天内完成,也不可能在今后一千天或者在本届政府任期内完成,甚至也许不可能在我们居住在这个星球上的有生之年内完成.但是,让我们开始吧.
公民们,我们方针的最终成败与其说掌握在我手中,不如说掌握在你们手中.自从合众国建立以来,每一代美国人都曾受到召唤去证明他们对国家的忠诚.响应召唤而献身的美国青年的坟墓遍及全球.
现在,号角已再次吹响－－不是召唤我们拿起武器,虽然我们需要武器；不是召唤我们去作战,虽然我们严阵以待.它召唤我们为迎接黎明而肩负起漫长斗争的重任,年复一年,从希望中得到欢乐,在磨难中保持耐性,对付人类共同的敌人－－专制、社团、疾病和战争本身.
为反对这些敌人,确保人类更为丰裕的生活,我们能够组成一个包括东西南北各方的全球大联盟吗?你们愿意参加这一历史性的努力吗?
在漫长的世界历史中,只有少数几代人在自由处于最危急的时刻被赋予保卫自由的责任.我不会推卸这一责任,我欢迎这一责任.我不相信我们中间有人想同其他人或其他时代的人交换位置.我们为这一努力所奉献的精力、信念和忠诚,将照亮我们的国家和所有为国效劳的人,而这火焰发出的光芒定能照亮全世界.
因此,美国同胞们,不要问国家能为你们做些什么,而要问你们能为国家做些什么.
全世界的公民们,不要问美国将为你们做些什么,而要问我们共同能为人类的自由做些什么.
最后,不论你们是美国公民还是其他国家的公民,你们应要求我们献出我们同样要求于你们的高度力量和牺牲.问心无愧是我们唯一可靠的奖赏,历史是我们行动的最终裁判,让我们走向前去,引导我们所热爱的国家.我们祈求上帝的福佑和帮助,但我们知道,确切地说,上帝在尘世的工作必定是我们自己的工作.
John F. Kennedy INAUGURAL ADDRESS


FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961
Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
This much we pledge--and more.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.
To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up insidect.
To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help thelves, for whatever period is required--not ause the Communists may be doing it, not ause we seek their votes, but ause it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for pross--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot ome the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose agssion or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from oming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.
Finally, to those nations who would make thelves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.
We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.
But neither can two at and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.
So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.
Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.
Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.
Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to "undo the heavy burdens ... and to let the oppressed go free."
And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.
All this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin. uUlsda E
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.
Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.
Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shank from this responsibility--I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.
And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.
My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.
Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.